فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال یازدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 41، پاییز 1401)

The neighbors constitute the immediate national security environment of Iran, and the development of comprehensive, stable and constructive neighborly relations with the neighbors has been always one the most important strategies and priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Necessary for the advancement of a strong neighborly policy is a balanced, comprehensive and sustainable view, however, the history is telling us that because of its cultural, geographical and political characteristics, Iran has not been usually able to make alliances with its neighbors. The immediate national security environment of Iran is potentially insecure so Iran has been always forced to heavily invest in its security and in preserving its national and political identity. Search for security forms the foundation of Iran's foreign policy paradigm in the past several centuries. This article is of the belief that in the current international and regional environment, Iran's security could be better served if confidence is built and political, economic, cultural and of course security cooperations in the neighborhood environment are expanded. By enumerating the sources of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the principles and foundations of a strong neighborly relations, an attempt has been here made to evaluate the capacities and the most important challenges facing Iran in its neighboring policy. In conclusion, some proposals for the conduction of Iran's neighborly policy are made.

The EU's normative policies are the product of a different way in which the EU views the world. The propositions concerning the promotion of the values and norms of the European Union are an integral part of the factors influencing the normative power of the European Union in the world system. Priority of material interests over normative interests, lack of universal definition and acceptance of values and norms, dual and contradictory policies in the application of values and norms, non-observance of the rights of minorities and races and human rights violations among members The European Union, the regression of democracy in some EU member states, and the differences between important EU countries are among the most important issues that have challenged the EU's identity in the global system. The main question of the present article is that, what effect do the EU defense-security policies have on the identity of the EU in the international community?Accordingly, the EU defense and security policies are largely influenced by the interests of the member states and prevent the formation of a common and clear process and pose challenges to the normative position of the EU.

Years after the collapse of its empire, Britain is still an influential power in politics and international relations and an important member of the contemporary international order. Considering the long history of relations between Iran and England and the ever-present influence of this country in Iran, and in order to influence Britain's policy and relations with other countries and organizations, we must study and understand the foreign policy decision-making system of this country well so that we can Let's get a complete model of the relations of this decision system. The authors, using the analytical descriptive method and based on library collection, in response to the question of what structure and process is formed in British foreign policy decision-making; They explained the factors, process and formal and informal layers of decision-making and decision-making of this political unit and depicted it under a model. Britain's foreign policy lacks written legal documents, is prestige-oriented, confidential, pragmatic and elitist, and thus the political system has left the hands of the decision-makers free from internal control and pressure and to secure the interests of the country (and primarily the interests of the elites). The foreign policy of the British government and the final decision-making is formed in the cabinet centered on the Prime Minister and with the agency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of this country. Official institutions such as the monarchy and government and security organizations, as well as informal factors such as pressure groups and the media, are effective in decision-making.

Considering the increasing role of Russia and Turkey in the world, including the tensions in Libya, the war in Azerbaijan and Armenia, the increase in Turkey's economic presence in Central Asia and relations with Latin America, as well as the strong economic relations between Ankara and Moscow and the 12% population of Muslims of Turkish origin living in Russia, who always They support Ankara's policies, it can be said that the Syrian crisis has become a tool for bargaining and exchanging points between the two countries Russia and Turkey, and this crisis has had a significant impact on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The aim of this research is the impact of the Syrian crisis on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The main question of the research is that what effect has the Syrian crisis had on Russia's strategy towards Turkey? The hypothesis of the research is also proposed as follows: The Syrian crisis caused Russia to try to transform Turkey from an active actor capable of disrupting regional issues to an aligned actor and to remove Turkey from the Western orbit as much as possible. On the basis of contingent realism, he should adopt a cooperative strategy with Turkey. The findings of the research also indicate the proof of this issue. The method of conducting this research is descriptive-analytical.

South Asian Region as a geographic region is so important in political and economic structure of the world due to the economic, strategic, political and demographic factors. This region is reflective of some conflictive factors and is faced with different classic and new threats. India is the biggest military and economic state of the region and China as one of the biggest military and economic powers of the world is neighboring with this region. The multifaceted importance of the region is to some extent which China and India try to gain superiority in this region using all the tools and opportunities. In this relation, this paper using descriptive-analytic and library- documentary method of data gathering tries to answer the following question: how China and India are converted to security activists in South Asian Region? To answer this question, China and India foreign policy and security-military documents were investigated and the goals and interests of these states were expounded. The research findings showed that some economic, strategic, security-military factors have caused China and India to be a security activist in this region and each of these countries attempt to shape regional order based on its national interests.

When the Egyptian Revolution began in January, 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood, as the most organized and influential political group in Egypt, was generally considered the most likely alternative for the Mubarak regime. However, they were designated an illegal organization again at the end of the revolutionary episode. Relying on Resource Mobilization theory and the theoretical paradigm of contentious politics, the main aim of this paper is to show how the process of polarization, that is, the changes in relations between the Islamists, secular groups, and the military, set the ground for the Muslim Brotherhood failure. According to the findings, the revolutionary episode went through three stages. In the first stage, the Mubarak/revolution polarization and in the second stage, the polarization of stabilization/continuation of the revolution took place in the political sphere. However, what made failure of the Muslim Brotherhood possible was Brotherhood/anti-Brotherhood polarization in the third stage in which the secular parties whose youth had a lot of influence in social networks, the armed forces, as the organization that controls the weapons, and Al-Azhar and the most important Salafi parties as the very important centers having the authority to speak on behalf of Islam, were on one side and the Muslim Brotherhood alone on the other. Hence, in addition to the mistakes of the Brotherhood which have occupied the center of literature, the role played by the armed forces, secular parties, Al-Azhar organization and Salafi groups were decisive in the Muslim Brotherhood failure.

The Saudi, Egyptian, UAE and Bahraini initiative to cut off relations with Qatar on June 5, 2017 created a new season of tensions between the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and Qatar. Saudi Arabia has sought to isolate Qatar from the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council by repeating allegations, including Qatar's support for Hamas, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as close ties with Iran. Subsequently, Saudi Arabia has set the conditions for the resumption of relations with Qatar which faced Qatar's opposition to these conditions. This Saudi action has led to development of two blocs in the Cooperation Council, a bloc of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, and the other block of Oman and Kuwait, and Qatar has an independent policy. On this regard, the main question of the research is that: how did the Qatari crisis affect the positioning of the regional actors (especially Persian Gulf Cooperation Council members) toward the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and what impact does the crisis have on Iran's national security? The hypothesis is: the crisis of Qatari and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have been an opportunity for Iran in the short term, but in the long term due to the presence of trans-regional powers, it is at the expense of Iran's national security. This research aims to answer the above questions by applying Defensive Realism. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical and collecting resources is based on library method and referring to internal and external sites.

Theorization is considered an inseparable part of the International Relations field, which includes a major framework of the IR scholars” scientific and epistemic actions and the process of its evolution and progress. On the other hand, the process of theorizing has always been affected by various exogenous/endogenous developments, each of which has brought a range of consequences and results. Among the exogenous developments, the United States” role refers to a specific analytical perspective. In this regard, the main question is “How can the role-playing framework of the United States be explained and described in relation to the process of formation and evolution of international relations theory?” In response, the main hypothesis is that: “To examine and explain how the United States influences the process of formation and transformation of International Relations theorization, it is possible to use the variables such as “the normative and value framework”, “policy needs directed at national interests” and “the ability to produce science”.” To test the hypothesis, the “explanatory/analytical” research method was used, and the theoretical framework is the Sociology of knowledge which is used in the form of a type of interconnection with Foucault”s views. In the conclusion, it is also revealed that any type of reflection and content evaluation regarding the theories of International Relations, especially in the domain of rationalist theories, requires attention to how these theories are linked or influenced by the US hardware and software elements, which refers to the existence of a kind of “contextuality and culture cultivation”.

Ever since modernity entered the Islamic world including Iran, the knowledge system of the Islamic world has faced theoretical and conceptual challenges. He considered these intellectual challenges and puzzles in issues such as democracy, secularism, development, freedom, law, women's rights, etc. The central question and purpose of this research is the interaction between tradition and modernity in terms of concept at the macro level, especially in the fundamental components such as interpretation of the text, adaptation of the text and the West, as well as humanism. In this direction, topics such as tradition and metamorphosis in the concept of tradition, how to face tradition, contemporary religion, etc. have been analyzed. This intellectual challenge has encompassed various fields of jurisprudence, political thought and political mysticism. In the political opinions of scholars and jurists as well as religious intellectuals such as Allameh Nayini, Shahid Motahari and thinkers such as Daud Firahi, this conflict between tradition and modernity and how to understand the text has been discussed. In fact, the most important intellectual and jurisprudential challenge of contemporary Iran has been how to reconcile the defining elements of Iranian political life, i.e., tradition and modernity. The conceptual and theoretical challenge of these words has increased a lot compared to the past. Various theories have been presented about the interaction of tradition, text and modernity in modern Iran.

The current research tries to get an analytical and critical understanding of the process of institutional differentiation and their dysfunctions, as well as the role of modernization and modernity in the process of institutional differentiation in the religious system of Islamic republics. To answer these analyzes and criticisms, the theories of classical and contemporary sociologists such as Durkheim, Parsons, Abrahamian, Katouzian, etc. were used and finally the question was raised that whatever society is in the transition stage from traditional to modern, balanced development and gradually enjoyed, it inevitably faced institutional change and differentiation, and on the contrary, if the society did not enjoy a balanced, synchronized and gradual development process, or one of the institutions took over other social institutions, it faced functional disorder and weak institutional differentiation. . As history shows, the process of modernization in Iran, which mainly started with Reza Shah's reign, gradually transformed many aspects of traditional Iranian society, but despite that, modernity in the sense that emerged in the West and led to institutional differentiation. , was not realized in Iranian society. In other words, Iran's social institutions were quickly modernized in terms of form, but in the long run, they could not find a completely separate and specific identity.